※ 引述《wego5566 (WEGO!)》之銘言：
: ※ 引述《changbsd (............)》之銘言：
: : 連資料都不會查，你這樣怎領500
: : https://imgur.com/a/qNpdy
: : 我幫你查好了，全國有兩個林飛帆，兩個都不是你酸的人
: : 有一個還是吱青討厭的職業軍人，要酸前多做功課!!
: changbsd到底會不會查資料啊？
: https://i.imgur.com/N5oCEQH.jpg
: 不會查就貼給你看，別再鬧笑話了。
: 林飛帆在2017/07/28口試
: 題目是：〈民主與進步的兩難？—社會運動與民進黨不分區立委的提名〉
: 電子全文自2017/08/24公開
: 中文摘要：
: 本研究旨在回答一個比較政治研究中經典的問題：一個誕生於運動，自許為民主進步的政
: 黨——民進黨——在邁向執政的過程中，如何透過制度性機制回應和處理與社會運動的關
: 係。本文透過一項一般認為較能回應社會運動進步價值與多元代表性的機制——政黨比例
: 代表制（不分區立委名單）作為觀察指標。並且透過深度訪談與歷史文獻的回顧，釐清民
: 進黨的路線轉型、不分區立委提名機制、決策過程與軌跡變遷。
: 本文首先透過古典的寡頭鐵律中「目標替代」的理論解釋民進黨的轉型，以及其與社會運
: 動的分梳。再者，本文指出：透過不分區立委名單重新建立與社會運動連結關係的民進黨
: ，並非對社會運動保持一致的開放，而是在不同議題、不同時期，有不同的開放程度。而
: 民進黨不分區立委中的弱勢與社運代表有明顯的屬性轉換，早期以民進黨鬆散定義的弱勢
: 代表與社運陣營對代表的期待有相當落差；在2004年後出現關鍵轉折，開始有出身於外部
: 的弱勢與社運團體的代表進入名單。
: 然而，本文認為，以不分區立委制度作為連結政黨與社會運動進步價值的機制，並不是一
: 項有效的機制。相反的，候選人提名過程、不分區立委的先天弱勢、選票極大化優位思考
: 、多重的馴化機制，以及最重要的以「民主多數決」作為議會最終的政策決策機制，都使
: 得出身於外部弱勢與社運團體的不分區立委，無法發揮如選舉期間中被宣稱的功能。不過
: ，本文也提出，弱勢與社運代表在黨的馴化與規訓機制下仍有透過「組織連結」提升能動
: 性的可能。
: 英文摘要：
: This thesis intends to answer a classic question in the field of comparative
: politics: how does a party, born out of an opposition movement and claimed to
: be democratic and progressive—the Democratic Progressive Party(DPP) of Taiwan
: —manage and respond to the tensions between itself and the social movements
: through the institutionalized mechanisms in the course of pursuing power.
: This study focuses on the Party List Proportional Representative(List-PR)
: system, thought to be an effective approach to respond and represent the
: interests of social movements, as an indicator in measuring this tension.
: In-depth interviews and historical literature reviews are also main research
: approaches in order to provide a more comprehensive review of the
: transformation of DPP’s political line, nomination mechanism,
: decision-making process and the trajectory of its transition.
: This study, firstly, utilizes the Goal Replacement theory under ‘the Iron
: Law of Oligarchy’ as a framework of the explanation of the DPP’s
: transformation and the result of cleavage between the DPP and social
: movements. Secondly, this study points out that, while the DPP intends to use
: List-PR as a way to rebuild the connections between itself and the social
: movements, it fails to remain open to all social movements at a consistent
: level. Instead, the DPP’s openness to the social movements differs in terms
: of different issues and periods. The political characteristic that
: representatives of disadvantaged minorities and the social movements find
: their representation in the DPP’s party list evidences a noticeable change
: over time. At the early stage, DPP’s loose definition of disadvantaged
: minorities fell short of the expectations from the social movement
: representatives, whereas in the later stage, especially after the key turning
: point of 2004, some representatives who were selected from the social
: movement groups emerged in the DPP’s party list.
: However, this thesis suggests that using the party list as a way to rebuild
: the connections between party and social movements is not as effective as
: that some political rhetoric claims. Instead, many mechanisms, including the
: candidate selection process, inherent disadvantages of Taiwan’s List-PR
: electoral system, the logics of maximizing votes, multi-level domestication
: process and most importantly—the majority rule as a final decision making
: principle in the Legislature, all lead to ineffectiveness of the List-PR
: system. Nevertheless, this study suggests that, while facing strong
: domesticating mechanisms, the representatives of social movements in the DPP
: can still increase their agency through ‘organizational connections.’
就是r
頁數142頁
感覺比理工碩論還少頁 或者 說跟理工碩論差不多
理工厲害的人可以用很少頁就寫完論文
但是
他不是政治所的嗎?
文組論文不是都要越厚越好?
求解?