桑德斯競選與美國社會主義運動建設
The Bernie Sanders campaign and building the movement for socialism in the US
原文：Liberation https://tinyurl.com/tym5muy
譯文：察網 http://www.cwzg.cn/theory/202002/55374.html
作者：Brian Becker
譯者按：本文刊載於美國“爭取社會主義與解放黨”（Party for Socialism and
Liberation）主辦的《解放新聞》（liberationnews.org）。與桑德斯競選運動的主流不
同的是，“社解黨”宣稱以馬列主義為指導思想；而相較於美國共產黨，“社解黨”的力
量和組織性更強，立場也更為傳統。翻譯此文，供讀者瞭解“社解黨”對桑德斯及其運動
的看法。
The Democratic Party establishment and the major capitalist-owned media have
been waging a low intensity war against the Bernie Sanders presidential
campaign for the past year and it is not working too well. Now these attacks
are escalating. If Sanders continues to succeed, the floodgate of scurrilous
and demonizing assaults will open, just as happened to Jeremy Corbyn in
Britain.
在過去的一年中，美國民主黨當權派（建制派）與多數的資本主義媒體，一直在對伯尼·
桑德斯（Bernie Sanders）的總統競選活動進行著低強度的抨擊，但目前來看這些阻擾未
見成效。現在，這些抨擊行為正在悄然升級。如果桑德斯的競選計畫如期順利開展，他或
將會與英國工黨領袖傑裡米·科賓（Jeremy Corbyn）一樣，受到來自當權派與媒體的批
評和謾罵。
For the past 12 months, almost all of the ruling class centers of power have
been arguing that Sanders is a socialist and thus “too left”; that his
medical reforms “are too expensive” and will break the bank; that he “can’
t beat Trump”; or, in the aftermath of his heart attack, that he is not “
healthy enough,” which goes along well with the mantra that he is “too old.
” At the last debate CNN and Elizabeth Warren conspired to set up Sanders
as “sexist,” yet another argument to add to the list. These attacks on
Sanders have not worked.
在過去的12個月裡，幾乎所有的統治階級權力中心都在指責伯尼·桑德斯是一個社會主義
者，其政見“太左”：他的醫療改革計畫過於昂貴，將拖垮銀行財政；他無法在競選中擊
敗美國總統現任唐納德·川普；甚至——他的心臟病使其健康狀況堪憂，並且太過年邁，
不適合總統職位。在上一次的辯論中，美國有線電視新聞網（CNN）與伊麗莎白·沃倫（
Elizabeth Warren）還批評桑德斯是一名“性別歧視者”。但這些攻擊並未奏效。
What's the real reason the ruling class is so alarmed?
是什麼讓美國的統治階級如此驚慌？
What has become crystal clear is that the Democratic Party establishment and
its echo chambers in the “free press” clearly would favor four more years
of Donald Trump over Sanders, a self-identified democratic socialist, in the
White House. One must take a moment and ask: Why is this? By European
standards Bernie Sanders would be an acceptable center-left politician. He
would not be perceived as a danger to the existing social order. What is the
U.S. ruling class so afraid of? Why is the Democratic establishment trying to
destroy the Sanders campaign?
暫時清楚的是，民主黨當權派在各種“自由發行”的出版物上不斷重複：比起自稱為民主
社會主義者的桑德斯，他們更願意支持唐納德‧川普在白宮再待四年。雖然按照傳統歐洲
政治標準，伯尼‧桑德斯是一位中左翼傾向的政治家，（這在歐洲）是可以接受的。他對
現存社會制度並不構成威脅。既然如此，美國統治階級是在害怕什麼？民主黨當權派為什
麼要阻礙他的競選運動？
The ruling class and its two political parties rightly fear that a new, truly
radical and even pre-revolutionary mass movement can quickly sweep through
the country as it did in the 1930s and at the end of the 1960s. The Sanders
electoral campaign itself is not that, but insofar as it is exciting and
raising the expectation of millions who want to win substantive reforms by
fighting the billionaire class, it presages what is to come. Sanders, the
individual, may turn out to be an accidental political figure who spent a
lifetime in the hallowed halls of the bourgeois Congress barely causing a
stir, but whose presidential campaigns became a vessel and a catalyst for
something more enduring – a movement of millions of people who are demanding
radical solutions to the grievous injustices caused by plutocratic capitalism.
統治階級及其兩黨都擔心一場新的真正激進的甚至接近革命的群眾運動席捲全國，如同上
世紀30年代和60年代末一樣。桑德斯競選運動本身並不是革命運動，但是它正在激起千百
萬人的期望：他們希望通過與億萬富翁階級的鬥爭來實現實質上的改革。伯尼‧桑德斯本
人可能只是一個偶然的政治人物：他幾乎大半生都在資本家國會的神聖殿堂裡工作，沒有
引起過什麼轟動；但是他的競選活動可能催化一場更為持久的運動——千百萬人要求徹底
解決權貴資本主義帶來的嚴重不公的運動。
The ironies of history
歷史的諷刺
The country is badly in need of a mass, energized movement for radical
change. It may be an irony of history that such a radical break from the
established order could take shape from within arenas and institutions that
constitute a center of ruling-class political legitimacy. But history is
filled with such ironies.
目前美國亟待一場群眾的、充滿活力的運動來進行徹底的改變。對現有秩序的徹底突破，
可能發生於資本主義的競技場和機關中，而正是它們構成了統治階級政治合法性的中心—
—這可能是一種歷史的諷刺。但歷史不缺這樣的諷刺。
Nascent radical mass movements throughout the centuries have often first
taken shape where the line of least resistance appears in the old order.
Here, the path of least resistance is the elections. People in the United
States are familiar with elections. The process, symbols and iconography of
the elections are accepted as places for heated discourse and heated debate.
It is the main political form that can imbue a political program with instant
“legitimacy.” In every school, it is where children are taught they must
try to make change — a point reinforced every day in the media.
幾個世紀以來，新生的進步群眾運動往往從舊制度最薄弱的地方尋求突破。在今天的美國
，這個地方就是大選。美國人無一不對選舉制感到熟悉。選舉的過程、標誌和象徵，便是
進行激烈的辯論與演講的場所。選舉是使某個政治綱領獲得暫時合法性的主要政治形式。
那些政客的政策與計畫才得以為大眾所理解，繼而“合理化”。在每一所學校，孩子們都
被教導必須盡力做出改變——媒體每天都在強調這個觀點。
The notion of making change through other means such as workplace action and
street protest, let alone more militant forms, is almost exclusively learned
through interaction with people’s movements and with radicals. From the
standpoint of those fighting for radical and revolutionary change, a
fundamental lesson is that the U.S. electoral form of government has
functioned more than anything as a deception — a way of giving the illusion
of choice that masks the dictatorship of the capitalist class. That is still
its main function.
通過選舉之外的罷工和街頭抗議等方式（當然還有其它更為激進的方式）來實現改變的想
法，也在人民運動和激進派之間的交互中深入人心。從為激進的、革命的變革而奮鬥的人
們的基本觀點來看，美國政府的選舉制度不過是給人民製造幻想的工具——其掩蓋了資本
家階級專政的實質。這是它的主要功能。
Socialist tactics
社會主義的策略
But socialist tactics have to be considered and decided based on the state of
class-consciousness of the entire working class, and appreciation of where we
are in the historical process, and what is most essential at our current
juncture. Just having the conviction as revolutionary socialists that the
capitalist system fundamentally cannot be reformed, and that the Democratic
Party would sooner come apart than be transformed, is not sufficient to draw
out a tactical orientation. The question is how to fight alongside and to an
extent merge with masses of people who are in their own process of struggle,
so that such conclusions can be tested and proven in real life.
然而，在制定社會主義策略的時候，必須考慮到整個工人階級的階級意識，考慮到我們所
處的歷史時期，考慮到當前歷史關頭的最重要問題。僅僅具備革命社會主義者的堅定信念
——比如，資本主義不能從根本上改革（而只能通過革命推翻），或是民主黨將很快解體
而不是改革——是不足以得出明確的決策方向的。問題在於，如何才能與處於自身鬥爭進
程中的人民群眾一起戰鬥，並在一定程度上同他們結合起來。只有這樣，上面的結論才能
在實際生活中被檢驗和證明。
For our purposes here, the point is that it is not surprising that the mass
reawakening of anti-capitalist and pro-socialist consciousness would register
profoundly in the electoral realm, the path of least resistance. For tens of
millions, it feels more legitimate and more possible to identify as a
socialist or promote a socialist candidate in an election cycle rather than
at a militant street protest or barricade. Given the relative smallness and
limited influence of the revolutionary socialist trends in the United States,
with whom these tens of millions have largely never interacted, how could it
be otherwise? That the form of this struggle is currently inside the
Democratic primary contest in some ways obscures its potentially radical or
even revolutionary next manifestations.
就我們的目的來說，一點也不奇怪，在選舉領域大規模地重新喚醒反資本主義、親社會主
義的意識，是當下阻力最小的一種方式。對千百萬普通人來說，相比於支持激進的街頭抗
議和街壘鬥爭，在選舉過程裡支持一位社會主義者或具有社會主義傾向的候選人，是更加
合理和可能的。考慮到美國革命社會主義思潮的規模相對較小，影響有限，是千百萬人中
的大多數從未接觸過的。對他們來說，除此（支持桑德斯）之外還能怎麼辦呢？儘管這一
斗爭目前仍以民主黨內初選的形式進行，但它具有激進甚至革命的潛在可能。
The ruling class and its “thinkers,” however, are keenly aware that such
trends can morph quickly into a truly mass, militant movement against a
system dominated by billionaires. The ruling class, because of its role in
society, is more acutely class conscious than the classes over which they
dominate. They fear more than anything a new consciousness arising from the
mass of the people who, should they begin to first stir and then move
together with new demands, could become an irresistible force.
然而，統治階級與他們的“智囊團”也敏銳地意識到了這一點：這種趨勢可能很快發展成
為反抗現有億萬富翁統治制度的、真正群眾的激進運動。統治階級由於其在社會中的角色
，比他們所統治的階級具有更強烈的階級意識。他們最害怕人民群眾中產生對他們不利的
新思潮——特別是那些會煽動群眾表達訴求的——那會形成一股難以抵抗的力量。
So far, the dynamic surge of the Sanders campaign reflects both the nascent
mass movement for radical change and further stimulates this phenomenon
inside the United States. The last year has witnessed a wave of mass protests
all over the capitalist world. The subterranean yearnings for radical change
are starting to burst out into the open, above ground, and they are rattling
the existing social order and the ruling classes from Chile and Ecuador to
Sudan, France, Lebanon, Iraq and beyond.
到目前為止，桑德斯競選運動的蓬勃發展，一方面反映了爭取激進變革的新生群眾運動的
發展，另一方面又進一步激發了美國國內的進步氛圍。去年，資本主義世界掀起了群眾抗
議的浪潮。從智利到厄瓜多爾，再到蘇丹、法國、黎巴嫩、伊拉克和其他國家，對激進變
革的渴望正如泉水一般從地下迸發出來，人們正在挑戰現有的政治制度與統治階級。
This yearning for change has not come all at once. It has been developing for
nearly a decade. The Occupy movement in 2011 showed the potential for it when
it burst onto the political scene. It spread like wildfire before it
collapsed under the weight of both state repression and the folly of
anarchist tactics. The Arab Spring started with the same impetus and the same
dynamism but it too collapsed for multiple reasons, including the absence of
an experienced revolutionary leadership capable of circumnavigating such
troubled waters, the inability to stir the countryside and the opportunist
intervention of imperialism.
這種對變化的渴望並不是一下子就出現的，它已經發展了近十年。自從2011年的“佔領運
動”（Occupy movement，指2011年的佔領華爾街運動）衝入政治領域，它就顯示了它的
潛力。在國家的鎮壓和無政府主義策略的誤導使其崩潰之前，運動像野火一樣蔓延。“阿
拉伯之春”也以同樣的動力和活力開始，但它也因多種原因而崩潰，其中包括：在混亂局
面下缺乏有經驗的革命領導者；沒能鼓動農村的革命力量；當然還有來自帝國主義的機會
主義干預。
Three years later, the rebellion in Ferguson, Missouri, ignited another new
national movement against racism and for Black freedom and equality.
Rebellion and resistance are in the air once again in 2019 and 2020 in the
United States and around the world – and the ruling class and its two
political parties inside the United States are scared. The billionaires and
bankers do not actually fear Sanders the person at all, but they do fear that
his campaign is becoming a springboard for something much larger and more
radical. The Party for Socialism and Liberation believes that this is the
primary basis to evaluate the Sanders campaign and determine socialist
tactics to intervene in the current political struggle.
在“佔領運動”發生三年後，密蘇里州弗格森（Ferguson, Missouri）的抗爭（對白人警
察隨意槍殺黑人的抗議）點燃了另一場新的反對種族主義、爭取黑人自由和平等的全國運
動。2019和2020年，為平等而鬥爭的不服從與抵抗運動再一次席捲了美國乃至全世界。這
令美國的統治階級與兩黨感到害怕。實際上，那些億萬富翁和銀行家們根本不害怕桑德斯
這個人，但他們確實擔心桑德斯的競選活動正在成為更大、更激進運動的一個跳板。“爭
取社會主義與解放黨”認為，這是評價桑德斯運動、確定參與當前政治鬥爭的社會主義策
略的首要依據。
Sanders' insurgency against the Democratic establishment
桑德斯對民主黨當權派的反叛
Sanders is running against Trump but his main foes come from within the
Democratic Party elites, and thus his campaign presents itself as an
insurgency against the Democratic Party itself.
桑德斯正在與川普競爭，但他的主要敵人是來自民主黨內部的精英們，因此他的競選活動
就是對民主黨本身的反叛。
The adversarial relationship between the Democratic Party and the Sanders
campaign is a widely recognized fact. Sanders himself said at his very large
closing campaign rally ahead of the Iowa caucus, “We are taking on the
entire political establishment, both the Republican and the Democratic
establishment.” Failed presidential candidate and longtime leading
imperialist John Kerry was overheard by an NBC news analyst talking on the
phone about “the possibility of Bernie Sanders taking down the Democratic
Party — down whole.” Rahm Emanuel , former Chicago mayor and Obama’s chief
of staff, warns of “a rupture in the party that is irreparable.” Sources
close to former president Obama say he will only intervene forcefully in the
primary on one condition: if Sanders were to win in Iowa and start to gain
momentum. Stopping Sanders is now their top priority.
民主黨和桑德斯競選運動之間的敵對關係是一個公認的事實。在愛荷華州初選會議前，桑
德斯本人在其大型收尾競選集會上說：“我們正在對抗整個政治體制，包括共和黨和民主
黨的當權派。”美國全國廣播公司（NBC）的一位新聞分析員曾在電話中無意聽到，失敗
的總統候選人、長期以來的帝國主義者約翰·克里（John Kerry）談論“伯尼·桑德斯有
可能推翻民主黨——推翻整個民主黨。”前芝加哥市長、奧巴馬的白宮幕僚長拉姆·伊曼
紐爾（Rahm Emanuel）警告說“（民主）黨內的破裂是無法彌補的。”接近前總統奧巴馬
的消息人士說，奧巴馬只會在一個條件下強力干預初選：桑德斯在愛荷華州獲勝，並由此
開始獲得動力。顯然，阻止桑德斯成了他們現在的首要任務。
Another issue that all socialists must consider is the extent to which this
race is being shaped by both major parties as a referendum on socialism in
the United States. Trump is organizing his 2020 campaign around the fight to
save the country from socialism. He called Sanders a “communist,” who is “
far beyond a socialist.” Of course he is not the first Republican to use
false anti-communist attacks to attack the Democratic nominee. That was a
characteristic of the right-wing campaigns against Obama too, despite him
being a center-right neoliberal candidate. But what makes this year different
is that for the first time in modern history, the Democratic Party is
mirroring these talking points against its own candidate, emphasizing that
socialism can never win in the United States.
所有社會主義者都必須考慮的另一個問題是，作為一場關於美國社會主義的全民公決，這
場選舉競賽究竟在多大程度上是由兩黨決定的？川普正在組織2020年的競選活動，他的競
選活動的中心是把美國從社會主義中解救出來。他稱桑德斯為“比社會主義者左”的“共
產主義者”。當然，他不是第一個用錯誤的反共口號來攻擊民主黨候選人的共和黨人。這
種手段也曾被右翼運動用來反對奧巴馬- ——儘管他是一個中間偏右的新自由主義候選人
。但今年的不同之處在於，民主黨第一次這樣看待自己黨內的候選人，並強調社會主義永
遠不可能在美國獲勝。
The Sanders campaign is, at this moment, the vessel for a progressive,
vaguely socialist insurgency within the confines of the Democratic Party. The
Democratic Party has consistently acted against the interests of working
people in the United States while trying to present itself as the only option
for progressive values. It is a brake on the development of an independent
and militant movement in the country. Socialists who understand the
Democratic Party is a ruling class party that can not be reformed should
support this insurgency.
在民主黨內部，桑德斯競選運動承載了進步和模糊的社會主義運動的思想。民主黨總是違
背美國勞動人民的利益，試圖把自己作為進步價值觀的唯一選擇。在美國，民主黨是獨立
的激進運動發展的障礙。社會主義者應當明白，民主黨是統治階級的政黨，它無法從內部
改革，但應當支持桑德斯的反叛。
After the primaries
初選之後
If Sanders fails to win the nomination or has it stolen from him, he has
pledged to support the party’s pro-ruling class nominee in the general
election. He did the same in 2016 when he campaigned for capitalist war hawk
Hillary Clinton. If Sanders again abandons his own movement by supporting a
ruling class candidate in 2020, the movement should refuse to follow him; it
should refuse to be a tail to the kite of either wing of the capitalist
political machine and the military-industrial complex. It should continue
building its own grassroots base and promoting the socialist movement in
confrontation with the reactionary Democratic Party elites. That would make
it a genuine resistance movement not only to Trump but also his
super-reactionary war-mongering foes in the Democratic Party leadership.
桑德斯已經承諾，如果自己未能在初選中獲得提名，就將在接下來的大選中支持親統治階
級的候選人。他在2016年大選中便是如此，為著名的鷹派希拉蕊·柯林頓（Hillary
Clinton）提供了支持。但是，如果桑德斯在2020年大選中再次放棄他自己的運動，轉而
支持統治階級的候選人，那麼運動應當拒絕跟在他後面。運動絕不應成為那些資本主義政
治機器和軍工複合體的附庸。它應當繼續自己的基層建設，同民主黨精英對抗，推進社會
主義運動。只有這樣才能使它成為一場真正的抵抗運動。敵人不僅是川普，還有民主黨領
導層裡超級反動的、發著戰爭財的川普的對手。
In response to the attacks against Sanders, his campaign has moved to the
left on domestic issues and grown in popularity, while broadening its base of
support among young people, working-class voters overall, in Black and Latino
communities, among women, the LGBTQ community and other sectors of society.
These sectors seek radical solutions to the grotesque levels of inequality
that are the fundamental feature of late-stage capitalism. One such grotesque
feature is evident in the fact that Jeff Bezos “earned” an additional $12
billion on January 29 — one single day — at the same time that the media
reported soaring levels of homelessness among working families.
為了回應自己受到的攻擊，桑德斯競選運動在國內問題上向左翼靠攏，並且變得更加流行
。這也使得他在年輕人、工人階級、黑人和拉美裔群體、婦女、LGBTQ（性少數人群）群
體和其他社會階層中的支持率大大提高。這些群體正在尋求激進的辦法，以解決作為晚期
資本主義基本特徵的極其荒誕的不平等問題。這種荒誕在現實中體現的明明白白，例如在
1月29日，傑夫·貝佐斯（Jeff Bezos，亞馬遜公司創始人）又“掙”了120億美元——而
在同一天，媒體報導了工人階級家庭的無家可歸者人數激增。
Simultaneously, in the face of the establishment’s attacks and pressure,
Sanders has either embraced the ruling-class narrative on Venezuela, China
and Russia, or has offered little or very little real opposition to the
dominant foreign policy positions of the imperialist establishment. Sanders
undoubtedly hopes this will make him more “respectable” in the eyes of the
corporate media, but the deeper effect is to lock the budding mass socialist
consciousness to the imperialist status quo, keeping that potentially radical
sentiment from moving too far left in the direction of internationalism.
同時，面對當權派的攻擊和壓力，桑德斯要麼接受統治階級對委內瑞拉、中國和俄羅斯的
外交觀點，要麼也只能對帝國主義當權派的外交政策立場提出微乎其微的反對。桑德斯無
疑希望自己擺出這樣的立場能夠讓公司媒體更加接受他，但更深層次的影響是，這將在帝
國主義現狀的面前鎖住處於萌芽狀態的群眾社會主義意識，使得激進方案不在國際主義的
方向上走得太遠。
What does critical support mean?
批判性支持意味著什麼？
Socialists can join the insurgency against the Democratic Party establishment
without becoming Bernie Sanders followers or uncritically parroting any and
all positions adopted by him. Critical support to the Sanders campaign means
that when Sanders takes reactionary positions there should be no holding back
on open criticism.
社會主義者可以加入反對民主黨當權派的抗爭，但不應成為伯尼·桑德斯的追隨者，也不
應毫無批判地復讀他的所有立場。對桑德斯競選運動的批判性支持意味著：當桑德斯採取
反動立場時，應當對他進行公開的批評。
Sanders’ foreign policy positions are not anti-imperialist or socialist.
Yes, he has a toned-down, softer and more liberal foreign policy than the
other Democrats. Undoubtedly, governments in Cuba, Venezuela, Iran and among
Palestinians would consider a Sanders presidency a big step forward by the
standards of who his competitors are, and the conduct of previous presidents.
But his foreign policy accepts and promotes the narrative of the empire and
supports imperialist sanctions against targeted countries.
桑德斯的外交政策立場不是反帝國主義的，也不是社會主義的。的確，相較於其他民主黨
人，他的外交政策更溫和、更柔軟、更自由。毫無疑問，古巴、委內瑞拉、伊朗和巴勒斯
坦政府會認為桑德斯的外交政策，與他的競爭者和往屆總統相比向前邁出了一大步。但是
，他的外交政策依然接受並支持帝國式的外交思想，支持美國對目標國家的帝國主義制裁
。
For instance, when Sanders was one of just two members of the Senate to vote
no in June 2017 on a new sanctions resolution against Russia, North Korea and
Iran, he made it clear that he was working within the Obama-approved
framework and was not taking a radical departure from the ruling class
consensus. He explained in a video to prove that his vote should not be
considered an outlier or radical shift: “While I support sanctions on
Russia and North Korea, I voted against the sanctions bill last week because
it contains sanctions on Iran that I believe could endanger the Iran nuclear
agreement. This agreement was President Obama’s most important foreign
policy achievement, and President Trump has made clear his intention to
destroy it. Progressives must get mobilized to protect it, just as we did
with the Affordable Care Act!”
例如，在2017年6月，桑德斯是給對俄羅斯、朝鮮和伊朗的新制裁政策投反對票的僅有的
兩名參議員之一。但他明確表示，他是在奧巴馬批准的外交政策框架內工作，並非徹底背
離統治階級的外交共識。他在一段視頻中解釋說，他的反對票不應被視為反對現有外交政
策：“雖然我支持對俄羅斯和朝鮮的制裁，但我上週投票反對制裁法案，是因為它包含了
新的對伊朗的制裁，我認為這可能危及伊核協議。這項協議是奧巴馬任期內最重要的外交
政策成就之一，但川普總統已經明確表示要‘摧毀’它。進步人士應當像維護“奧巴馬醫
改計畫”（Affordable Care Act，2010年國會批准通過，2017年被取消）一樣維護伊核
協議的內容。”
The PSL's socialist presidential campaign & building a mass movement for change
“爭取社會主義與解放黨”的競選活動，以及建立爭取變革的群眾運動
The Party for Socialism and Liberation is running its own socialist campaign
for president. This campaign will promote a genuine socialist and
internationalist program and thereby provide a real definition to socialism.
Gloria La Riva is running for president and her running mate is Native
activist and political prisoner Leonard Peltier, who has been unjustly
incarcerated for 44 years.
“爭取社會主義與解放黨”也在開展自己的社會主義的總統競選活動。這場運動將提出一
個真正的社會主義和國際主義的綱領，從而提出社會主義的真正定義。格洛里亞·拉·莉
瓦（Gloria La Riva）將作為總統候選人參加競選，她的競選夥伴是原著民進步活動家、
政治犯倫納德·佩爾蒂埃（Leonard Peltier）——他已經被不公正地監禁了44年。（譯
者註：在2016年大選中，“社解黨”總統候選人格洛里亞·拉·莉瓦得到了74392張選票
。 ）
Our campaign is reaching out across the country to explain the urgency of the
struggle for socialism as the only answer to the existential threats to life
on the planet due to climate change, the growing war danger, and deepening
poverty based on job destruction. These existential crises are all based on
capitalism, a system that puts the insatiable quest for profits for a small
ruling class over all else.
我們的競選運動正在全國範圍展開，它將闡明爭取社會主義的鬥爭的緊迫性。面對氣候變
化對地球生物的現實威脅、日益增長的戰爭危險、失業導致的貧富差距增大等現實問題，
社會主義是唯一的解決途徑。現存的這些危機都是因資本主義而產生的，資本主義制度將
一小撮統治階級對利潤的無止境追求置於其他一切之上。
The PSL’s program has similarities and differences with that of Sanders. We
wholeheartedly support the far-reaching reforms he demands, including
improved Medicare for all people, elimination of student debt, dismantling
the system of mass incarceration, full abortion rights and more. Winning
these much needed basic reforms will require building a mass, militant
working-class movement. Even if Sanders were elected president the capitalist
centers of power would do everything, and we mean everything, to prevent
these reforms from being implemented.
“爭取社會主義與解放黨”的綱領，與桑德斯有相同也有不同。我們全心全意支持他所要
求的廣泛改革，包括改善全民醫保、取消學生債務、廢除大規模監禁制度、實行完全的墮
胎權利等。要成功推行這些急需的基本改革，就需要建立一個群眾的、激進的工人階級運
動。實際上，即使桑德斯成功當選總統，資本主義的權力中心也會盡一切努力阻止這些改
革的實施。
Sanders as president would not succeed in implementing these reforms absent a
large mass movement. Every significant reform in the capitalist system was
won through the hard-fought struggle of the people. It was not a gift from
Franklin D. Roosevelt that gave us unemployment insurance, social security or
the right to unionize in the 1930s. It was mass strikes, general strikes,
sitdown strikes and factory seizures and the building of mass organizations
of the unemployed. Likewise it was a radical mass movement in the 1950s and
1960s that led to the passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights
Act in the mid-1960s, which ended the legal status of apartheid in the United
States for Black Americans; and also led to the adoption of Medicare that
provided access to health care to the elderly. The ending of the Vietnam
War, winning the right to abortion, the passage of marriage equality and the
adoption of anti-discrimination measures protecting LGBTQ people — all were
the consequences of determined movements by masses of people.
如果沒有大規模的群眾運動，桑德斯作為總統就無法成功實施這些改革。資本主義制度下
的每一次重大改革，都是通過人民的艱苦鬥爭贏得的。20世紀30年代的失業保險、社會保
障以及組織工會的權利，並非羅斯福總統贈予的禮物，而是群眾罷工、總罷工、靜坐罷工
、佔領工廠以及建立失業者群眾組織換來的。同樣，20世紀50年代和60年代的激進群眾運
動換來了20世紀60年代中期通過的《民權法案》（Civil Rights Act）和《投票權法案》
（Voting Rights Act），終結了美國對黑人實行種族隔離的合法性，也為老年人帶來了
可以獲得醫療保障的醫療保險制度。越南戰爭的結束，贏得墮胎權，婚姻平等，為保護
LGBTQ群體採取反歧視措施——這些都是人民群眾堅定鬥爭的成果。