The iron fist of capitalism
資本主義鐵拳：法西斯與戰爭
原文：Socialist Voice
https://socialistvoice.ie/2020/02/the-iron-fist-of-capitalism/
譯文：http://www.cwzg.cn/theory/202002/55469.html
Eoghan O’Neill
按：《社會主義之聲》(Socialist Voice) 是愛爾蘭共產黨（CPI）的官方報刊，每月在
線發表，除了發佈歷史作品、電影和書籍評論以及國際新聞討論之外，它還針對部分政治
事件進行馬克思主義分析。本篇是由歐漢·奧尼爾（ Eoghan O’Neill ）撰稿，於2020
年2月2日發表於《社會主義之聲》的評論文章。
The rise of the right wing, of fascist ideology, is inextricably linked with
the crises of capitalism, which are periodic and inevitable because of the
internal contradictions within the capitalist system, which can never be
overcome, because capitalism is an antagonistic class-based system in which
differing class interests cannot be reconciled.
資本主義危機與法西斯意識形態右翼勢力的強勢崛起密不可分。資本主義制度內在矛盾的
不可克服、資本主義危機爆發的週期性和必然性，都決定了這是不可避免的。因為資本主
義是一種對立的階級制度，不同階級利益之間不可調和。
Fascism is the iron fist of capitalism, to ensure and secure private
property, the private profits and rents of the capitalist class. It is
capitalism in its most violent and ruthless form.
法西斯主義是資本主義的鐵腕，是為了確保和保障私有財產、私人利益和資產階級的租金
收入，它是資本主義最暴力、最殘酷的形式。
As the capitalist system bounces from one crisis to the next, and as the
crisis deepens and widens, the working class, no longer content with the
misery of poverty, hunger, debt, austerity, cuts to public services, the sale
and privatisation of public lands, utilities, and services, begins trying to
advance its position and interests in society. When the working class begins
to organise itself as a real threat to the existing system and the privileges
of the capitalists and their private property, it is under these conditions
that we find fascism rising up, financed by the ruling class to act as the
henchmen, doing their dirty work on the ground.
隨著資本主義制度從一場危機陷入另一場危機，加之危機不斷深化和擴大，工人階級不再
甘願囿於貧窮、飢餓、債務、經濟緊縮、公共服務大幅削減、公共土地被出售和私有化、
公共事業和服務業縮減的痛苦，開始努力提升自己在社會中的地位和利益。當工人階級自
發地組織起來，對現存制度、資本家及其保護私有財產的一系列特權構成真正的威脅時，
正是在這種情況下，我們不難發現法西斯主義在統治階級的扶持下抬頭，充當狗腿子，光
天化日之下幹著骯髒的勾當。
The purpose of right-wing and fascist organisations is to prevent the working
class gaining significant power. As the working class deepens its
class-consciousness, broadens its struggle, organises itself industrially and
militantly, and demands more from a government than what a government can
provide, thus becoming more revolutionary, fascist movements, propped up by
the ruling class, try to step in and assimilate themselves as a voice of the
workers. This is a ruse, a way to disarm the workers in order to smash the
workers’ organisations that are threatening to disrupt the profits of the
ruling class.
右翼和法西斯組織的目的是防止工人階級獲得重大權力。隨著工人階級的階級意識不斷加
深，鬥爭範圍逐漸擴大，工業和軍事方面的組織化逐漸加強，對政府的要求超過了政府所
能提供的。因此，法西斯運動在統治階級的支持下越來越走向革命化，試圖介入工人階級
並同化自己，成為工人的聲音。這是一個詭計，一種解除工人武裝的方法，目的是粉碎那
些威脅到統治階級利益的工人組織。
As the class struggle deepens, they use the crisis of capitalism as an excuse
for state repression, censorship, imprisonment and even execution of the most
advanced sections of the workers’ movement, while at the same time they
target the most vulnerable and marginalised in society, using them as
scapegoats for the economic crisis.
隨著階級鬥爭的深入，他們把資本主義危機作為國家鎮壓、審查、監禁，甚至判決工人運
動最先進階層的藉口，同時又把社會上最弱勢、最邊緣化的群體作為經濟危機的替罪羊。
Fundamentally, fascism is for conserving the laws, customs and treaties that
protect the ruling class and their right to private property: their right to
own the means of production and their ability to exploit and extract profit
from the labouring masses.
從根本上講，法西斯主義是為了保護統治階級及其私有財產權的法律、習俗和條約：他們
擁有生產資料佔有的權利以及從勞動群眾中剝削和攫取利潤的能力。
Fascists and leading figures of the right prostitute the word “patriotism”
to gain support from a public who are already angry and disfranchised by the
established political parties and the state of affairs in society. Their “
patriotism,” however, is nothing more than narrow nationalism and racism,
dedicated to the national interests of the ruling class, ensuring the
suppression of the workers’ movement.
法西斯分子和右翼領袖們濫用“愛國主義”一詞是為了獲得公眾的支持，而公眾已經被老
牌政黨和社會現狀所激怒，充斥著厭棄感。然而，他們的“愛國主義”不過是狹隘的民族
主義和種族主義，致力於維護統治階級的國家利益，確保鎮壓工人運動。
Fascism is organised counter-revolution. Its analysis of crisis is
superficial; and though they may pay lip service to popular demands and
issues facing working people, in the final analysis they do not propose to
change the relations of class power. Just like social democrats, centrists,
and revisionists, their purpose is unveiled in times of crisis. They drop the
veil of democracy used by other forces and implement their iron rule of power
in the interests of the ruling class, guaranteeing the protection of private
property for the owners of capital against a class-conscious workers’
movement.
法西斯主義是有組織的反革命，它對危機的分析是膚淺的。雖然他們口頭上答應了工人階
級提出的要求，並承諾解決他們所面臨的問題，但歸根結底，他們並不打算改變階級權力
關係。就像社會民主黨人、中間派和修正主義者一樣，他們的終極目標也是在危機時期才
暴露出來的。他們揭開其他勢力的民主面紗，為了維護統治階級的利益而實行他們的鐵腕
統治，保障資本所有者的私有財產免受階級意識崛起的工人運動的侵害。
We witness this today in Latin America, where progressive governments are
causing a crisis for capitalism and the imperialist empire of the United
States when they nationalise and put into public ownership their resources.
As the Bolivarian revolution has spread, so too has the growth in the extreme
right and fascist forces, instigating coups and sabotage against progressive
governments, supported and financed by the indigenous capitalist ruling class
and the imperialist blocs. Their private media mouthpieces then spread their
propaganda to the outside world. The thin veil of democracy slips away once
they are able to establish some power in the country.
如今我們在拉丁美洲看到了這一點，開明的政府將資源國有化並轉為公有，正給資本主義
和美帝國主義帶來危機。隨著玻利瓦爾革命的蔓延，極右勢力和法西斯勢力也在壯大，他
們煽動政變，攻擊政府，獲得本土資本主義統治階級和帝國主義集團的支持和資助，他們
的私人媒體將其宣傳傳播到外界。一旦他們能夠在這個國家建立起某種權力，民主的薄紗
就會徹底被撕毀。
This is the common practice of imperialist hegemony, witnessed around the
globe for more than a century.
這是一個多世紀以來帝國主義霸權在世界各地的普遍做法。
Integral to the right-wing ideology is the centrality of war: a philosophy of
war, of war preparation, with the building up of the military-industrial
complex for imperialist war practice. Going hand in glove with this war
philosophy is a racist ideology, the idea of a superior race, a smokescreen
used as a way to legitimise and desensitise one society from bombing and
mass-murdering civilians of another society.
右翼意識形態的核心是戰爭：一種戰爭哲學，一種為戰爭而準備的哲學，一種為帝國主義
戰爭實踐而建立軍工複合體的哲學。與這種戰爭哲學密切配合的是一種種族主義意識形態
，是一種種族優越的思想。它還是一個煙幕彈，被用來讓一個社會合法化，從而使該社會
對另一個社會的轟炸和大規模屠殺麻木不仁。
Again we must emphasise that fascism is capitalism in its most desperate
form. Capitalism, fascism and war are inseparable; and there are very few
things as profitable as war. Capitalism, with its internal contradictions,
will remain in constant crisis, therefore fascism will always threaten to
rise in its interests; and therefore war is an inevitable part of the
capitalist system.
我們必須再次強調，法西斯主義是資本主義最絕望的形式。資本主義、法西斯主義和戰爭
是分不開的。很少有比戰爭更有利可圖的事情了。資本主義由於其內部矛盾，將始終處於
危機之中，因此法西斯主義總是會威脅到它的利益，因此戰爭是資本主義制度不可避免的
一部分。
Without a Marxist class analysis of the causes of the capitalist crisis and
without offering an alternative, we leave the space open for right-wing and
fascist voices, with their lies, deceit, and hate. Without our exposing and
opposing them they become in the eyes of the public just another dissenting
voice, critical of the political establishment, which will garner them
support.
沒有馬克思主義階級觀對資本主義危機原因的分析，也沒有提供其他替代性方案，我們就
為右翼勢力和法西斯主義留下了為其謊言、欺騙和仇恨發聲的空間。沒有我們的揭露和反
對，他們在公眾眼中只是另一個不同的聲音，通過批評政治體制來獲取支持。
Our duty as anti-fascists, anti-imperialists, is to expose their hate, their
lies, their deceit, wherever possible to block any potential growth of their
movement here in Ireland and, where possible, elsewhere around the globe.
作為反法西斯、反帝國主義者，我們的職責是揭露他們的仇恨、謊言和欺騙，儘可能地阻
止他們在愛爾蘭，在一切可能的情況下，於世界其他地方謀求任何潛在的發展。